One more sleep. Here’s everything you need to know.
It’s almost over, and on this special Election Eve edition of Stress Test, David Corn and Garrison Hayes deconstruct the manic final moments before America votes.
The big last-minute surprise was the 11th-hour bombshell out of Michigan. Defeated Democratic primary contender Haley Stevens sent shockwaves through the political world on Sunday when she rescinded her support for Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed and endorsed Republican nominee Mike Rogers—a move that drew fierce condemnation from Democratic leadership and praise from Donald Trump.
What was especially odd was that Stevens could not clearly explain her rationale for this decision. But she claimed she felt “hurt” by El-Sayed. It was like a soap opera might determine control of the Senate. “American democracy may hinge on who wins the Senate,” David observes, “and who wins the Senate may hinge on this little personal vendetta.” Garrison highlights the bitter irony of Stevens—who spent years cultivating a reputation as an “Obama-adjacent Black voter whisperer”—rolling out her GOP endorsement inside a Detroit Black church, leaving local Black voters feeling deeply blindsided and betrayed.
From there, the hosts examine the limits of late-stage polling and the preemptive legal battles being waged by the Trump administration over ballots in California and Alaska. Garrison points out, “If confidence is to be measured by the way the Trump administration has been handling elections before votes have even really been counted, I don’t know if they’re showing very much confidence.” The early legal maneuvering may well be a prelude to the post-election fights to come.
Next, reporter Noah Lanard calls in from a car in upstate New York after trailing Vice President JD Vance’s last-minute rally for GOP sticker-magnate-turned-candidate Anthony Constantino, who has dumped $17 million of his own fortune into a House race. Why is the GOP dispatching the veep to a deep-red district that Trump carried by 21 points? As Noah says,”If you told me a year ago this is where I would be on election eve, I would kind of do a spit take and immediately say, okay, something has gone horribly wrong for Republicans.” Noah describes the surreal scene of Constantino lambasting reporters as not the “fake news” but as the “evil news” who should be “deleted,” before riding off on a mobility scooter alongside an elderly veteran across an airplane hangar.
Before signing off, David and Garrison examine key races to watch on election night, including a bellwether House contest in Kentucky’s 6th congressional district, where polls will close at 6:00 p.m. ET, as well as high-stakes showdowns in Pennsylvania, Kansas, Georgia, and Tennessee.
Stress Test will be back for an Election Night special to break down the returns in real time. Until then, as David notes, “Every time American voters have had a chance to judge Trump’s performance in office… they’ve wanted to throw the bum out.” The midterms will show if that pattern holds.
The following transcript is generated using automated tools and may contain errors.
David Corn: Will the future of American democracy be decided by one sore loser?
Garrison Hayes: And what are the key races that you should be watching here in the final moments of these midterms?
DC: This is Stress Test from Mother Jones. I’m David Corn.
GH: And I’m Garrison Hayes. Welcome back to the show. We are in quite literally, David, the final countdown, the last night or two, however, before we get results. Obviously, some results will come in immediately, some will come in over the next few days, but we are so, so close.
DC: What a long, strange trip it’s been.
GH: Well, okay, this trip actually just got stranger. It’s the thing that everyone is talking about. It happened for us just yesterday, when Haley Stevens made news is probably the most boring way to put it, but she’s definitely in the algorithm. Everyone’s talking about it. I’m not sure if there’s much more to talk about, but David, bring us up to speed on what in the world happened in Michigan.
DC: Well, Haley Stevens, you might recall, lost. She lost the Democratic primary to Abdul El-Sayed to run for U.S. Senate in Michigan, and Mike Rogers is the Republican former congressman who’s running. And things were testy during the primary. She was supported by AIPAC, and he, of course, is a big critic of supplying U.S. aid to Israel and to the current Israeli government.
But nevertheless, she promised to endorse him and to back him, and she has, despite all the ups and downs of the campaign, until this past weekend. She was expected to be at a unity rally for Democratic candidates, and her staff thought she’d be there, but instead, she went to church with Mike Rogers and endorsed the Republican candidate.
This Democrat endorsed the Republican candidate in one of the pivotal races that will decide which party gets to control the U.S. Senate. And there seemed to be a very personal side to this in a lot of ways. She felt rebuffed from El-Sayed, who at one point didn’t want her to campaign with him, and her fiancé has connections to AIPAC, and according to many stories, he’s gotten way too involved in her campaign and into her political decision-making.
So what we’ve seen here, Garrison, is not just a political development. It’s been a goddamn soap opera.
GH: It is a bit of a soap opera. The thing that’s really been interesting to me is kind of the immediate response that we’ve seen from a few different factions, and I want us to dig into those. We’ll have to listen to a little bit of Haley in a moment, but I want to talk at least a little bit, David, about the way Democrats across the kind of big-tent party political spectrum that Democrats represent, how are they responding to this?
I’ll tell you, I saw a statement from Chuck Schumer that, in some ways, even though there’s been a bit of tension between the Abdul El-Sayed kind of camp and version of Democratic politics and the Chuck Schumer, you know, brand, there’s been a bit of a gap between the two, but they came together, and he called this—I can’t exact remember the exact language, but he condemned Haley Stevens for her move.
DC: Well, I don’t know what he said publicly, but I’m pretty sure I know what he said privately, because all he and the other Democrats care about at this stage, once primaries are done, is winning the majority. And if they need El-Sayed to give them the majority, they’ll take it. And they’ve been supportive of him. Kamala Harris came out and campaigned with him, Barack Obama’s campaigning. So the whole party’s behind this.
And they basically tossed Haley Stevens out of the party. The Michigan Democratic Party said, so long, goodbye, you’re not one of us, rip up your card, your Democratic Party card. And it’s been very, very, you know, unified in that sense that nobody out there on the Democratic side is defending this, while Donald Trump and Republicans are embracing her and thanking her.
But, you know, it’s just been so weird and bizarre this whole way. And she went on Anderson Cooper the other night and tried to explain this and really couldn’t. He kept asking her what had changed since hours before she announced this endorsement, she had told others that she was gonna stick with El-Sayed. So let’s look at her performance—I think that’s the best way to put it—with Anderson Cooper on CNN.
[Clip plays.]
DC: She felt hurt. You know, we just saw Haley Stevens throughout that whole interview with Anderson Cooper. He kept asking her to explain what had changed in the 8, 10 hours between when she said she was sticking with El-Sayed and when she announced she was endorsing Mike Rogers, and she couldn’t explain it. She could say, I felt hurt, I’m doing what I’m doing, I’m an honest person. And there’s something, you know—we’ll get the story one day, but something rather bizarre behind all this.
And to me, the big picture is, you know, moving back from whatever motivated her to do this, is American democracy may hinge on who wins the Senate, and who wins the Senate may hinge on this little personal vendetta or whatever it might be. And we don’t know exactly what the impact’s gonna be. Most voters in most races have made up their minds by now. There’s been a lot of early voting.
I just wonder, Garrison, if there are some Democratic voters or independent voters in Michigan who have felt reluctant to vote for El-Sayed for all sorts of reasons, and now has she given them permission either to vote for Rogers or just not vote at all and not feel bad about feeling reluctant?
GH: You know, I lived in Michigan for about three years, and Michigan voters know that they are important. That was one of the first things that I kind of really started to pick up on back in 2016, 2017. People really are very aware that they have a say, that their vote really, really matters. And so by this point in the election, I think certainly someone will be swayed by Haley Stevens. I think that is a very small number of people.
The thing that I found most interesting in all of this is that Haley Stevens has positioned herself as a person who’s almost a Black voter whisperer in Michigan. She’s kind of positioned herself in proximity, some Obama adjacency in proximity to the Black community. Much of this went down in a Black church in Detroit. And so there’s this real kind of connection that she has almost telegraphed to the Black community.
But when Black voters were asked about this just immediately following the event at the church in Detroit, many of them were confused. In many ways, this is a betrayal, I think, of Democratic voters who would have chosen her or El-Sayed. Many of them see the MAGA agenda and Mike Rogers specifically as a dangerous force. In fact, Haley Stevens called Mike Rogers dangerous; he would advance the dangerous MAGA agenda.
And so all of this is really a betrayal of what she’s kind of stood up for and even the voters that she’s claimed to represent. And so I am interested in seeing how this will bode for her, obviously among Democratic leadership, but I get the sense that voters themselves feel very betrayed by this move from her.
DC: Well, I’m gonna pivot here, because up to this point in time, the Democrats are feeling really good, not just about the House, but about the Senate. And they still may be feeling good. But the recent poll that came out from The New York Times and Siena showed that the Democrats were basically ahead in all the races that we’re watching, in Iowa, Kansas, North Carolina, and so on, close to tied in Maine, but by and large were in a really good position. And they would have been, I think, feeling rather delighted with themselves had this Haley Stevens soap opera drama, melodrama not emerged.
So the polls are strong, but there’s something also very interesting about the polls this year, Garrison, and that again and again, media organizations that are putting out these polls—and I’m thinking primarily of The New York Times and The Washington Post—have also put out kind of warnings, caveats, buyers beware. As they’ve released polls, they’ve also said and have admitted they’ve had trouble figuring out how to get the right samples.
Now, this is the whole key to polling. You have to have a group of people in your polls that you think reflects what the electorate is going to be like. So you base it on what happened last time, but also you have to sort of base it on what the voters are telling you about who’s likely to vote and who’s not likely to vote. And if you don’t get that right, your poll can be way off. So they’re out there saying, we’re trying as hard as we can to calculate the right samples, but don’t blame us if we get it wrong.
GH: Yeah, no, that’s real. I mean, polling has consistently underestimated Republican voters in the Trump era, which has been the reason why you’ve seen so many of these kind of big shock moments, I think, over the last several years for voters who’ve kind of relied on polling to get a vibe.
And so I guess the question then is, how would you advise voters? I would say go out and vote. You can’t actually—let’s start there, right? You can’t actually, you know, rely on polls. Polls don’t vote; people vote, so go vote. That’s the main thing that I’d say.
DC: And I would tell people right now to don’t bother for the next, you know, few hours, whatever, with polls. We’re gonna know soon enough. I’ve never been a big fan of obsessing with polls. They can be right; they can be wrong. But the great thing is eventually we get the actual numbers.
And there’s one thing that I have been thinking about in these final hours, Garrison, and that is every time American voters have had a chance to judge Trump’s performance in office—not his performance as a candidate, but his performance in office—they’ve wanted to throw the bum out. If you look at what happened, in 2016 he won, but he was running as a candidate. But in 2018, voters said, we don’t like what you’re doing. And then in 2020, they also said, we don’t like how you managed COVID, we don’t like what you’re doing, and they’ve rejected him.
In 2024, when he was back to being a candidate, they voted for him. But now it’s 2026, and his record is back on the ballot, as he says. He’s been saying over and over again, I’m on the ballot. So twice in a row, they’ve said no to his performance. Let’s see what happens on this Election Day.
GH: Well, you know, if confidence is to be measured by the way the Trump administration has been handling elections before votes have even really been counted, I don’t know if they’re showing very much confidence. Of course, we know that there are several funky little things, is how I’ll describe them here, that the Trump administration—
DC: That’s a good song, right? Funky Little Things.
GH: Funky little things they’ve been trying to do, particularly in Alaska and in California.
Now, David, I want to get your take on this, but I’ll give the people a little bit of an overview here, that the Trump administration has brought these kind of schemes to California and Alaska, particularly. They were trying to kind of preemptively challenge the results of the U.S. Senate race in Alaska because of, I think, the name situation that was happening there with two Dan Sullivans on the ballot. A federal judge dismissed that entirely. So that’s one update.
The second update is that the federal appeals panel actually denied a request to order California officials to comply with this Trump order to set aside 20,000 mail-in ballots that the Trump administration has claimed, I believe without evidence, were sent in by noncitizens. David, I want you to kind of respond and, of course, give a little additional context to these two orders from the courts around what the Trump administration is trying to do in this election.
DC: These are both outlandish moves by the Trump administration and the Justice Department. And judges, as you’ve just noted, have tossed them aside. A lot of people think that this is just Trump trying to set up a postelection day challenge to races in California and certainly to the race in Alaska.
Will they try to do something even more outrageous and seize ballots afterwards and claim that there’s some fraud? Don’t know. I have to say, up to now, that there were a lot of concerns that on Election Day Trump would try to screw with the voting: ICE agents, monitors from the Justice Department, others, and they will be out there. But I do think if there was going to be a massive disruption, if he was planning something like that, we’d see signs in advance.
Now I think it’s most likely that Trump is looking for particular places to focus on where the race might be tight. Practically, you know, they may not be able to do anything in the House, but if they can keep the Senate by zeroing in on a couple of different races. So they’re certainly looking at setting a foundation for a challenge in Alaska. I don’t think they’re doing a good job yet, but that’s kind of how things are panning out at this moment in time. And we’ll see if there are any last-minute surprises up Donald Trump’s sleeve.
So once again, let’s zoom out to what’s happening across the country. There are contests, particularly on the House side, that no one expected to be close, that are indeed rather close. And there are some races that still may not seem close, but the Republicans are throwing resources into these races of trying to protect incumbent House Republicans.
So let’s look at one of them. We have a reporter, Noah Lanard, who’s been looking at a race in upstate New York, and he’s with us right now. Noah?
GH: From a car. What’s up, Noah?
DC: But so you’re up in upstate New York. Why are you there, and tell us who else was there today?
NL: Yeah, so this is, I mean, it’s kind of one of those places, if you told me a year ago this is where I would be on election eve, I would kind of do a spit take and would immediately say, okay, something has gone horribly wrong for Republicans. So I am in New York’s 21st Congressional District. It is currently held by Elise Stefanik, who many listeners will be familiar with. This is a district that Donald Trump won by 21 points two years ago; Elise Stefanik won it by about 24.
But Republicans have nominated, I would say, a uniquely bad candidate in the form of Anthony Constantino, a sticker magnate turned amateur rapper, technically professional boxer at the age of 40. And he is here. And who was here this morning? Vice President JD Vance in his last stop of the midterm season on election eve, before one stop in Ohio.
DC: I want to pause here for a second. A district won by 24 points by the last Republican and 21 points by Donald Trump, and they are sending the vice president, who only has hours left, who could be at one of dozens of other places around the country, to upstate New York. Is this guy in trouble? Is Constantino in trouble? And who’s running against him?
NL: Yeah, so I think, you know, people who are familiar with campaigns will know the time that the principal has in the final hours of a race, the president or the vice president, those are some of the most carefully managed things around. So if he is in this district, it is because they believe it is close. And this is the last place they would want to be.
I mean, to give people a sense, this rally was in Rome, New York. That’s about two hours past Albany, and this district goes all the way up to the Canadian border, Plattsburgh. I mean, this is the most rural district in New York. It is much whiter than New York, older than New York. It is not the kind of place where JD Vance wants to be. You know, he wants to be in the Phoenix suburbs or the Atlanta suburbs, places that we think of as traditionally swing districts.
But here he is having to bail out this guy in a district that Trump won by 21 points. And it’s not just a supposition. The polls have shown this race to be close; they’ve even in some cases shown the Democrat to be leading. And Anthony Constantino’s reaction in the past was he tried to threaten to sue or have the license taken of a station that reported on one of these quote-unquote fake polls. But obviously the Trump campaign does not believe these polls are fake, because that is why JD Vance was here this morning.
GH: This is a good transition, actually. We have a SOT from a speech from Constantino that I want to throw us to here and listen, and we can all react on the other side.
[Clip plays.]
GH: So what you were just listening to was Anthony Constantino’s mom, Carol, giving a speech to a room. Was that today, Noah, or recently?
NL: That was today. That was about two hours ago, probably. That was Carol Constantino. You know, and I profiled Anthony Constantino earlier in the election cycle, and I did hear nice things about his mom. And Anthony lost his father when he was a young boy, and that’s, you know, her. So I’ve heard very nice things about her, but I would just generally say a couple things.
If you’re being introduced by your mom at this point in the cycle, and she’s kind of preemptively noting, my son has made a lot of enemies, usually means things have not gone so well for you in the cycle. And it’s also kind of in the same way people know a male politician sometimes introduced by their wives, you know, an attempt to soften a person who has been a real brawler, let’s say.
I mean, early on the campaign, he put out kind of an amateur rap album, essentially. And one of the songs was about New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani. It has the lines—not his words, you know, he says the full thing—F-U, B-word about Mamdani, comparing him to Bin Laden, essentially making a throat-slitting gesture.
I mean, this is like a really unusual politician. He’s actually being sued for defamation by the head of the New York Conservative Party. This is like the party to the right of the main party.
DC: Talk to us a little bit about what Constantino himself said at this rally. What’s his case for himself?
NL: So he actually has a good case for himself, but he can’t seem to focus on it. So the case for himself would be: Look, I am from Amsterdam, New York, a small city upstate, past Albany. He actually went to the same private high school as Elise Stefanik, and they were there at the same time, oddly enough. But they could not be more different. Elise Stefanik went to Harvard, and Anthony originally went to a college in the Boston area, not Harvard, just a college in the Boston area, and got semi-kicked out, he said, ends up going to a different college.
But then he does, later in life, as a younger man, starts a sticker company called Sticker Mule, which many listeners actually might be familiar with. It’s a highly successful company. And Anthony has now taken and put in about $17 million of his own money and self-funding into this House race, which is some of the most that has ever been put into a House race.
So think about this: He’s putting in some of the most money that has ever been put into a House race in terms of his own money, 17 million, in a district that Trump won by 21, and he still needs to get bailed out by JD Vance at the very end. And why is that? It’s because he’s run a uniquely divisive, attacking campaign. I mean, he has just like terrible favorable numbers, including a lot of Republicans who basically can’t stand the guy.
GH: This is interesting to me, Noah. I want to kind of like challenge this presupposition, though, because it feels as though this is an unlosable district. I know, I know, it’s America, anything can happen, but it feels unlosable. And so is there a sense that maybe Constantino really does appeal to the base? Maybe getting Vance into a place where folks are really gonna love Trump and his whole brand of politics, maybe that’s the best look for TV, for camera for a person like JD Vance at this stage, as opposed to maybe a mixed district or swing district where there may be a little bit less enthusiasm? Is that maybe more of what this is than a real fear that they might lose this really, really winnable place?
NL: I don’t think so. I mean, if there hadn’t been polling—there’s been a number of polls, every poll has shown the race within four or so points, including some with the Democrat Blake Gendebien leading. He’s a first-time congressional candidate. He’s a dairy farmer who lives way north in the district, up near the Canadian border.
And it’s also important to go back to the primary: How did we get here? So this was a contested primary. The favorite who the New York GOP establishment wanted to win was a state senator named Robert Smullen. He’s a retired Marine colonel, kind of just a classic Republican candidate for a district like this. But Constantino came in, spent millions of his own money, and was able to get a Trump endorsement, partly because he said kind of his two main political influences are Donald Trump and Roger Stone, who apparently was there today. I didn’t see him with my own eyes, but I spoke to a local Republican who said so.
DC: Don’t get me started on Roger Stone. Just don’t. I mean, people can read my book, How Russia Won, and Russian Roulette, the book I did with Isikoff and every—you know, but if he’s a Roger Stone acolyte, then that’s a major problem. And I’m sorry, we’re not gonna get into it. You’re just gonna have to Google this, believe me, if you don’t know who Roger Stone is.
So, Noah, thank you so much for this report in the field. There are so many races to choose from and to be keeping an eye on. We’re glad we have you out there, and we’ll be talking to you, I’m sure, in the days ahead.
NL: Yeah, thank you, David. And if I could just close real quick with one image, because it was just so surreal. I was talking with another reporter, and Constantino, like I was saying, he struggled to stay on message. He just spent much of his speech attacking. It was kind of a dramatic moment when he said, I never disagree with the president, but I’m gonna do this here. And the crowd audibly gasped. What’s he gonna say?
DC: What’s he gonna say? I wanna know. What’s he gonna say?
NL: It’s not the fake news, he said. It’s the evil news, and they’re right there.
So after the rally, I’m talking with a fellow member of the evil news, who he said should be deleted, was his word. And then I look over, and it’s Anthony Constantino riding a mobility scooter with an old veteran kind of on his lap or next to him, scooting out of the venue.
And it’s like, you cannot get a better image of this Republican midterm cycle: This man just in his 40s just kind of rolling across the airplane hangar into the sun on his mobility scooter. And that’s where the Republican cycle is ending.
DC: Famous scene in Austin Powers when he tries to escape on that slow-moving vehicle. Well, you get the prize, Noah, for the best video featured on Stress Test this season.
GH: Hands down. Noah Lanard, thank you for your time, your reporting. You aren’t evil, and so we’re thankful that you are doing the real, real work here. And I’m sure we’ll check in with you tomorrow as well about some of your reporting and all of this. Thank you, Noah.
NL: Yeah, thank you, Garrison.
GH: Okay, David, we’re nearing the end of this last episode before we get results, before we have a clear picture about the outcome of this election. So we’re gonna do the stress test here. We normally ask what’s stressing you out, and I want to kind of infuse the races that you’re watching. I think it’s a good indicator of what’s maybe stressing you out, what’s on your mind.
And so let’s go there: What are the one or two or however many races that you’re keeping a close eye on that our listeners and our viewers can actually watch as well to kind of understand how the night will be going for Democrats and Republicans during this midterm cycle? Go ahead.
DC: Well, the races that I’m watching, I don’t think are incredibly stressful. They may be; we’ll see how it plays out. There’s a race in Kentucky, the 6th District, and a lot of pundits and experts are pointing to it as the bellwether House race of this cycle.
And that is Zach Denbo, a Democrat. He worked for the Justice Department, but he resigned in protest to what Trump was doing to the Justice Department. And he’s running for an open seat against Ralph Alvarado, who is a doctor who calls himself a MAHA doctor, who’s very, very pro-Trump. They’re both kind of good candidates for each party here.
And the reason this is a bellwether is not just because it’s close, but Kentucky polls close at 6:00 p.m. So that’s very early, and that’s Eastern time. So people are looking at this race to be one of the early indicators of where the national vote may turn out to be. And if either one wins by a decisive margin, it will likely tell us what to expect for the night. So again, you know, look for Kentucky 6, Zach Denbo and Ralph Alvarado, a good race that may tell us a lot.
And then two other races that just have piqued my interest, in addition to everything else that’s going on: Scott Perry, incumbent House Republican, used to run the Freedom Caucus, the far-right group in the House, is up against Janelle Stelson, who is a TV broadcaster in Pennsylvania 10. This is an area around Harrisburg, York, Pennsylvania. Last time they went against each other two years ago, Perry won by 5,000 votes. He’s now running in favor of the Iran war; he was a guy who was involved very close with Donald Trump in trying to overturn the election in 2020. She’s raised a lot of money; she ran a good campaign last time. The polls show this tied at 48 points apiece. So this is a very interesting race to watch.
And finally, I’ll add, of all the Senate races out there—and you can take your pick; there are a lot of major and interesting and important races out there—the one between Adam Hamilton and Roger Marshall for Senate in Kansas, I think is incredibly interesting. You’ll remember, Garrison, that Marshall, who is an OB-GYN, got into trouble during this campaign when it came out that he had sued hundreds of his patients, and after charging them a very high interest rate on bills not paid, and they even gotten some of them arrested. And so this is really not a good look for a guy.
And Adam Hamilton is the head of a Methodist megachurch in Kansas, and he’s been attacked by the far right and MAGA people for not being a good Christian. Well, we’ll see whether the good pastor versus the evil OB-GYN who sent his patients to prison, or tried to, is going to prevail in this race in the heartland.
GH: Yeah, I’ll tell you two races. Those are very interesting, David. Two races that I’m paying very close attention to: The Georgia gubernatorial race is interesting to me. You have Keisha Lance Bottoms versus Rick Jackson down there. There’s kind of this, I think, underdiscussed element here, where the governor of a state has a lot of influence on which laws get signed into law here, and there’s potential for a veto power that the next governor of Georgia will have, particularly around the redistricting effort that is no doubt going to come back around in the South.
Speaking of redistricting, I’m thinking a lot about Justin J. Pearson’s race in Tennessee’s 9th Congressional District. He’s running against state Sen. Brent Taylor. And Justin has run a really strong campaign, I think, in a district that’s designed for him to lose. And so people are still looking at it, and they think it’s competitive. It’s been marked down as a red-to-blue district, even though it’s designed, again, for him to lose it outright.
And so those two races are certainly races that I’ll be paying very close attention to. I think they speak to Black political power; I think they also speak to a lot of the frustrations that voters, particularly Black voters in the South, have around this year’s process. And so those are the ones that I’ll be looking at. Of course, you should let us know down in the comments which races you’ll be looking at as well.
DC: Well, this has been a fascinating midterm cycle with so many different stories, themes, about some of the most basic values, principles, ideas, desires, wants, aspirations of America. And we’re gonna see in just a few hours where the country’s head is at, about what’s happened in the past two years and where they think they want to go in the next two.
But for now, that’s all we have for you. So thanks for being with us as we’ve gotten close to the election. If you’ve missed any episodes of Stress Test, you can go to our YouTube page. That’s youtube.com/motherjones and find us there. And we’ll be back really soon, right, Garrison?
GH: Very, very soon. Of course, you should know this: Our great journalism is only possible with your support. Your views, your subscriptions keep us going. In fact, you probably have your laptop out, you probably have your phone out. Go ahead and subscribe right now, like this video, share it with a friend, put it in the group chat, and help us reach a broader audience.
And of course, if you have any questions, any suggestions, you can leave them for us down in the comments below. We will be back in just a little while to talk to you about what’s going on, in just a little while again for another edition of Stress Test. Until then, take care and go vote.
