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Sporting a pumpkin-orange button-down and aggressively furrowed eyebrows, Jason Frazier approached the lectern at a Fulton County, Georgia, Elections Board meeting in March 2023. He was a regular at these once-dry sessions, which had grown increasingly contentious as he and other Donald Trump–aligned and self-styled “election integrity” activists hijacked them to allege rampant voter fraud.
This time, Frazier had come to challenge the registrations of 5,001 fellow Georgians. “There are thousands of errors in the voting rolls, tens of thousands of duplicate registrations—we both know duplicate registrations lead to double voting,” Frazier alleged to four incredulous county board members, all staring back.
“Don’t give me that look, okay?” he added sternly. “I am very frustrated.”
So were the people whose ability to vote Frazier had attacked. One was Lakendra Graham, whose registration stated she lived on Confederate Court. But Atlanta had renamed the street in 2018. Although Graham, a Black woman, hadn’t moved in more than a decade, Frazier seized on the technicality.
“I have a job, I have other plans besides coming here stating my opinion and my right to vote because somebody wanted to challenge it,” Graham, a registered Democrat, said at the hearing.
Frazier also targeted a police sergeant whose street was listed as Boulevard Boulevard, when its actual name is Boulevard Drive. “This is a bad-faith challenge,” fumed the cop, also a Democrat. “This man is trying to suppress votes, and he’s happy to suppress as many as he can for any reason he can.”
Far from neutral, Frazier’s social media accounts blast Georgia Republicans whom he calls “RINOs”—Republicans In Name Only. He referred to Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, who ran on the Democratic ticket for vice president, as “Tampon Tim.” Frazier especially dislikes Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, who famously refused Trump’s phoned-in request to “find 11,780 votes” in the 2020 election.
Frazier’s submissions accounted for the majority of the 15,000 challenges that Fulton County reported receiving over the prior 18 months. It didn’t matter that county officials reviewed all of them and could not find a single illegal voter to report to Raffensperger. Frazier could contest as many registrations in his county as he wished, thanks to a law passed in 2021 by Republican lawmakers who were also infuriated by Raffensperger.
In addition to enabling mass challenges, the law also removed Raffensperger as chair of the Georgia State Election Board. Control of it fell to election deniers, who recently hired someone to investigate supposed voter fraud across Georgia. His name? Jason Frazier.
If the takeover of the State Election Board by conspiracy-promoting Trump allies seemed brazen, the elevation of Frazier ups the ante in their war on fair elections. Frazier, who earns $70 an hour in his new role, has no formal investigative experience. According to the 46-year-old’s résumé, obtained through a public records request, his last traditional job was in 2014 as a project manager for a Missouri engineering firm. More recently, he’s characterized himself as an urban farmer, selling produce from his home garden. It’s “a little honor-system vegetable stand,” he said at a 2022 elections board meeting. “People drop in five bucks and grab a bag of tomatoes or okra.”
It’s not clear whether Frazier has held other jobs over the past decade, though he has worked with John Richards, a former doctor who has spent the last several years creating online systems in which anyone can flag suspect voter registrations. One platform, ELLY, lets self-proclaimed “voter vigilantes” compare voter roll information to personal data such as property tax records and online obituaries. “We use Jason’s algorithms to help develop some of these workspaces, and Jason is the one who has done the most work with this data,” Richards said on a 2023 call organized by the Election Integrity Network, founded by former Trump adviser Cleta Mitchell. Richards said Frazier was not paid for this work; Frazier did not respond to requests for comment.
In May 2025, Frazier was nominated by the local Republican Party for a paid position at the Fulton County Board of Elections—the body he had besieged with thousands of voter challenges. County commissioners refused to appoint him, leading to a months-long legal battle in which a judge initially ruled that the county would be fined $10,000 per day for blocking Frazier.
“This was an existential question,” says Commissioner Dana Barrett. “I don’t want to be the one who didn’t do what was right and helped be part of the fall of democracy.”
In March, an appeals court halted Frazier’s nomination. But the relief was short-lived. Within two months, Frazier was hired into his more consequential role at the state board, where his purview now includes investigating voters in all 159 counties. Applications were due May 11. Frazier’s offer letter indicates he was hired the same day.
According to experts, the voter roll issues Frazier raises as evidence of fraud are actually a product of rolls being continuously reviewed and updated as people move or die. “Election officials are professionals. They’re trained on the legal nuance of how to appropriately maintain voter lists,” says Dax Goldstein, program director at the States United Democracy Center.
Take the case of Dr. Paul Yurfest, who showed up at a 2025 State Election Board meeting to defend himself against an accusation lodged by Frazier that he may have double voted. An orthodontist, Yurfest came with his voting records in hand. “When I pulled up my voter participation history, it indicated that I only voted once,” he said. “That’s my story and I’m sticking to it.”
Yurfest said it was possible he was registered in two Georgia counties after moving from Cobb County to Fulton many years ago. Fulton County reviews its rolls every month to identify people like Yurfest who relocate within the state. In other cases, people mistakenly re-register in the same county. But the monthly scrub also checks for these duplicates, being careful not to cancel people with similar names—1,813 Fulton registrants have the surname Young, for example. At the December meeting, the state board identified that Yurfest did, at one point, have a duplicate registration in Fulton, but it was canceled in 2023.
If someone moves to another state, the 1993 National Voter Registration Act prohibits election workers from canceling their old registration until two federal election cycles have passed. But in the meantime, the voter can be marked as inactive. Frazier includes these already flagged records when he alleges Fulton County isn’t sufficiently maintaining its voter roll. There are additional systems to prevent duplicate votes, and even the conservative Heritage Foundation has identified just one Georgian who voted twice over the last decade. It wasn’t even in Fulton County.
At the December State Election Board meeting, a MAGA-aligned board member, Janelle King, asked Fulton County’s elections administrator how it was possible that Frazier found so many duplicate registrations. The administrator answered that Frazier hadn’t shared his data, so she couldn’t really know.
Frazier’s own explanation was vague. He said a “group of folks” had paid $485 for a copy of the state’s voter roll and then compared it to data they got elsewhere. That seems to describe what happens through ELLY, which his ally Richards is now pitching to Georgia counties, arguing they should promote the site as a tool for concerned citizens to root out allegedly ineligible voters. During a June presentation to the State Election Board, he boasted that “the data in ELLY is what was being used to file challenges for the past two years, three years” in Georgia.
Thanks to his new state job, Frazier now has access to far more information than when he was scrutinizing voter rolls as a hobby. What’s concerning experts and elected officials is how he could weaponize his discoveries—especially since the State Election Board now has the power to take over local boards if it finds evidence that a county made major mistakes over two consecutive elections.
“Frazier can go back and investigate the 2022 elections and the 2024 elections and—air quotes—find something wrong in the same way that he found something wrong with people’s voter registrations,” Barrett explains. “He’ll then present that to the MAGA-controlled State Elections Board, who can then use that as an excuse to act—and to take over Fulton County elections.” Caught in the crosshairs would be people like Graham and Yurfest—both of whom already had to attend county and state board meetings to ensure they weren’t disenfranchised.
Frazier should know how they feel. In 2022, he had to defend his own registration after a voter he had challenged turned around to allege Frazier had signed up to vote at a business address. Frazier argued his farmstand was in his backyard and condemned the complaint as “frivolous” and “retaliatory.”
The Fulton board dismissed the challenge. The voters whose registrations Frazier questions in his new post can only hope to be as lucky.
Source images: YouTube; Alex Brandon/AP; Getty(2); Georgia Department of Driver Services
